Contains writings by Germán Arciniegas, John D. Martz, Arturo Ardao, William Rex Crawford, Valentín Letelier, Juan Bautista Alberdi, José Luis Romero, Hobart A. Spalding Jr., João Cruz Costa, Leopoldo Zea, Karl M. Schmitt, Walter N. Breymann, Ramón Rosa, Hubert J Miller, Francisco Romero, and Eugenio María de Hostos
Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., specializes in Latin America, with an emphasis on post-independence Central America.
This study is about the 1968 general election in Guyana. It argues that while racial cleavage within the society is the single most important determinant of political behaviour, party organisation provides the motive force behind ‘the people’s choice’. Using aggregate and survey data, the study shows that between 1953 (when the first election under universal adult suffrage was held) and 1968, party identification and political mobilisation had shifted from those based on class antagonism to those based on racial disaffection. However, the change in the electoral machinery – from a system of plurality voting to proportional representation – had forced parties to reform their campaign strategy. The emphasis is on votes gained rather than on seats won. As a result, the local party organisations have become important sources of electoral mobilisation.
Le projet d'envahir la Jamaïque en 1799 est presque inconnu. Nous n'avons pas entrepris de recherches sur son origine. Nous distinguons donc mal qu'il vient du Directoire ou de Roume, sont agent particulier à Saint-Domingue, ni à quel moment il remonte. En tous cas, Roume, s'il se fait l'écho de lointains ordres du Directoire parait avoir agi de sa propre initiative, et c'est de Saint-Domingue que l'expédition devait partir. Aujourd'hui pour nous, il suffit.
On peut penser qu'on aura voulu profiter des suites de l'insurrection des esclaves réfugiés dans les Montagnes Bleues, dans l'Est de la Jamaïque. Elle venait à peine d'être jugulée, non sans mal. Ce projetet ses préparatifs sont à peine un épisode de l'histoire de la Révolution à Saint-Domingue et les évènements qui suivirent en provoquèrent rapidement l'oubli. Il n'en marque pas moins un côté très important des dernières années de notre ancienne colonie. C'est donc de Saint-Domingue et de la Jamaïque que nous le suivrons, non comme un moment de la politique extérieure du Directoire. Ce chapître de l'histoire coloniale a le grand intérêt de nous préciser quelle fut la politique anglaise et américaine de Toussaint Louverture et en même temps de nous apprendre comment Bonaparte dès le début du Consular a pu se rendre compte combien le gouverneur de Saint-Domingue qui à ses yeux était avant tout un général français, avait parti lié avec l'Angleterre et avec l'Amérique. Il pensait être devant une étape capitale de l'ascension de Toussaint Louverture vers la toute-puissance et vers l'indépendance.
The plan to invade Jamaica in 1799 is almost unknown. We have not undertaken research on its origin. We distinguish evil that comes from the Directorate or Roume are special agent in Saint-Domingue, nor when it goes up. In any case, Roume, if distant echoes of the Directorate orders appears to have acted on his own initiative, and it is from Saint-Domingue that the expedition had to leave. Today for us it is enough.
Presumably we will have wanted to take advantage of the consequences of the uprising of slaves refugees in the Blue Mountains in the east of Jamaica. She had just been brought under control, not without difficulty. This plat and its preparation are just one episode in the history of the revolution in Santo Domingo and the events that followed quickly provoked oblivion. It does not mark a less important side of the last years of our former colony. So Saint-Domingue and Jamaica that we will follow, not as a time of the foreign policy of the Directorate. This chapter of colonial history has the great interest we clarify what was the British and American policy of Toussaint Louverture and at the same time learn how Bonaparte early in the Consular was able to realize how the governor of Saint-Domingue which in his eyes was primarily a French general, was party linked with England and America. He thought he was at a crucial stage of the ascent of Toussaint Louverture to absolute power and to independence.
En este libro se intenta una nueva actitud hacia la representación del proceso político, que estima el autor vale también para la historia toda del país. Consiste la misma en ir a la auténtica trayectoria de pueblo libre. Supone ello pulsar unas notas y rastrear unas tendencias que con ser las mas elocuentes huellas de nuestra vida de pueblo, han quedado desplazadas por una presentación de los hechos del pasado conforme a la imagen oficial. Es, de acuerdo con el autor, un intento por empezar a descolonizarnos descubriendo la legítima dimensión de nuestro pasado. Este esfuerzo que así se inicia en un nivel puramente descriptivo, se atiende que debe tener consecuencias para la acción y puede darnos la idea por donde podemos empezar a diseñar un verdadero programa de liberación, objetivo de toda buena política y de toda sana pedagogía.
Diego Jacinto Agustín Barros Arana (Santiago, 16 de agosto de 1830 - ibídem, 4 de noviembre de 1907)1 fue un pedagogo, diplomático e historiador chileno, considerado uno de los principales intelectuales liberales del siglo XIX. Su obra cumbre fue la Historia General de Chile.
Diego Jacinto Agustín Barros Arana (August 16, 1830 – November 4, 1907) was a Chilean professor, legislator, minister and diplomat. He is considered the most important Chilean historian of the 19th century. His main work General History of Chile (Spanish: Historia Jeneral de Chile) is a 15-volume work that spanned over 300 years of the nation's history. Barros Arana was of Basque descent. He also was an educator and a diplomat. He was director of the Instituto Nacional, a public high school, and of the University of Chile.
In 1938, Muñoz Marín helped create the Popular Democratic Party of Puerto Rico (Partido Popular Democratico, or PPD). The party committed to helping the jíbaros, regardless of their political beliefs, by promoting a minimum wage, initiatives to provide food and water, cooperatives to work with agriculture, and the creation of more industrial alternatives.[36] Muñoz Marín concentrated his political campaigning in the rural areas of Puerto Rico. He attacked the then common practice of paying off rural farm workers to influence their vote, insisting that they "lend" their vote for only one election. The party's first rally attracted solid participation, which surprised the other parties..
Out of experimental data that have not yet been published and in the light of relevant historical material, Dr. Monge has drawn certain conclusions about biological effects in high altitudes. The whole is presented as a preliminary study to be followed by a series of scientific papers. Three themes are interwoven in this fascinating account of altitude effects on man. They are, (1) the conclusions drawn from the experimental work of the Institute of Andean Biology, of which Dr. Monge is director; (2) the evidence in the chronicles of early Peru that the fair treatment of natives was one of the earliest policy conceptions of Inca government; and (3) successive colonial and republican governments of Peru, over a long period of time, have largely neglected problems of human conservation that arise among the highland population.
